Rise of the Unit 8200 Right

 


Under the leadership of Chairman Mike Peinovich and through the initiative of committed support group activists across the country, the National Justice Party has enjoyed a year of growth and increasingly aggressive work on behalf of beleaguered European-Americans, putting intensifying pressure on the agents and fronts of the Zionist-enthralled US Empire. Even in the face of a concerted mainstream media blackout, the organization has successfully shamed and discredited Republican politicians for their consistent failure to protect constituents from anti-white violent crime, corruption, and ecological catastrophe. In addition to participating in the International Day of Pro-White Action in mid-August, NJP activists recently staged protests outside the home of Texas State Senator Drew Springer to denounce “the now infamous Texas House Bill 1193 […] making it illegal for local housing authorities to bar Section 8 tenants from renting in their neighborhoods” and in front of the mansion of Zionist billionaire and Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker to call out a bill that “paves the way for so-called ‘legal aliens’ and ‘asylum seekers’ to police, arrest, detain, and shoot to kill American citizens.” NJP’s Fashy Gainz held forth with passion on anti-white bias in local government at an August 23 meeting of the Tulsa City Council, and on September 2, 2023, the NJP held its largest mass meeting to date.



It is in the context of this surge in independent and explicitly European-American advocacy that the Republican Party began the embarrassing process of hobbling toward the nomination of a presidential candidate for 2024 and that right-wing Zionist forces have sought to breathe life into the discourse on Elon Musk’s “X”-branded Twitter. A flurry of nihilist fanboyism and astroturfed meming followed the tentative return of Donald Trump to the platform and the publication of his campily defiant August 24 mugshot. Then, on August 31, MMA fighter Jake Shields launched the apparently prefabricated #BanTheADL hashtag, generating nearly 90,000 posts on Thursday and Friday. A low-charisma cosmopolitan B-team of “movement” personalities including Keith Woods, Angelo Gage, and Joel Davis was marshalled to figurehead the “grassroots” spread of the hashtag, with conservative pundits like Matt Walsh and Dinesh D’Souza also receiving permission slips and even Musk himself chiming in to endorse the trend. On Saturday, September 2 – the same day as the NJP’s mass meeting – Woods, Gage, and Davis hosted a space in which they congratulated themselves for what they framed as a historic and organic groundswell of X-based opposition to the ADL, with based “right-wing Jews” also receiving an honorable mention for having helped to promote the hashtag. (Concurrently, however, Gage also resorted to old-hat personal smears against Chairman Peinovich of the NJP in tweets that same weekend, attempting to bad-jacket him as a secret Jewish agent.) The Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, which sacrificed credibility through its adoption of a much more partisan approach to US politics during the Trump years – to the point of successfully lobbying to get the most Israel-infatuated commander-in-chief in American history banned from Twitter – is, without doubt, one of the preeminent entities opposing the freedom of political speech in the United States today, so that the mainstreaming of anti-ADL discourse is undeniably a positive development. The question is to what purpose this has been allowed to transpire.










Musk’s tenure at the head of Twitter/X has witnessed the genocide of accounts associated with the National Justice Party and the affiliated Right Stuff podcast network, with Mike Peinovich, Joseph Jordan, Warren Balogh, Alex McNabb, Emily Youcis, and others all unable to use the site, creating a vacuum in which Woods, Gage, Davis, and their ilk, and even Trumpists and “national conservatives” can pose as a vanguard of nationalist activism, albeit safely ensconced within the confines of a curated social media platform. Going into the 2024 election season, Musk’s stewardship of the site places the Zionist right in the ascendancy and reinforces the 2016 paradigm of memetic warfare and tweeting as the path to political power while attempting to sideline street-level activism, networking, and confrontational agitation. It may be worthwhile to note that Musk’s companies Tesla and SpaceX received substantial investment from venture capitalist Tim Draper, who also serves on the board of the Israel-based Bancor, and that Musk has contracted to send X Blue users’ personal data to Israeli firm AU10TIX, which “was founded in 2002 as the technology arm of Dutch security company, ICTS International, which itself was founded by, among others, former members of the Israeli Shin Bet intelligence services.” In addition, AU10TIX employs personnel with experience in Israel’s intelligence and cyberwarfare service Unit 8200. Can Musk, who is known to have conferred with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and been photographed hobnobbing with the likes of Ghislaine Maxwell and Donald Trump’s Likudnik son-in-law Jared Kushner, be taken seriously as the face of freedom of speech on the internet? Can the reanimated corpse of Trumpism be algorithmically memed into some convincing vestige of authentic life again? Moreover, do Musk’s transparent subterfuges even stand a chance of slowing the growth of the NJP?

Rainer Chlodwig von K.

Rainer is the author of Drugs, Jungles, and Jingoism.






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